How textbooks foster extremism and intolerance in Pakistan
Pakistan’s education system stands as a troubling example of how curriculum can be weaponised to perpetuate hatred, bias, and extremism.
The state-sanctioned textbooks, particularly those implemented during General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime, have systematically distorted history and promoted anti-minority sentiments, creating generations of students indoctrinated with prejudice and intolerance.
This systematic manipulation of education has transformed schools from centers of learning into breeding grounds for extremist ideology.
The roots of this problematic curriculum can be traced to the post-partition era, where textbooks began painting a severely biased picture of historical events.
For instance, the partition’s violence is presented through a dangerously one-sided lens, with textbooks claiming that “not a single Muslim was left alive in trains coming to Pakistan.” Such deliberate misrepresentation not only distorts historical facts but also instills a deep-seated animosity towards Hindus and other religious minorities among young, impressionable minds.
The curriculum conveniently omits the fact that violence occurred on both sides and that many trains did, in fact, reach their destinations safely with passengers alive.
The curriculum’s treatment of historical figures and events is equally concerning.
While Muhammad bin Qasim’s arrival in 712 AD is glorified as the beginning of Pakistan’s Islamic identity, the contributions of secular leaders and progressive movements are either diminished or completely omitted. Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s crucial August 11, 1947 speech, which envisioned a secular and inclusive Pakistan, is conspicuously absent from many textbooks, revealing a calculated effort to suppress pluralistic narratives.
This selective presentation of history serves to create a narrative that Pakistan was destined to be an exclusively Islamic state, rather than the inclusive democracy its founder envisioned. The textbooks’ portrayal of regional history is particularly problematic.
The role of various provinces in the creation of Pakistan is presented in a distorted manner, with Punjab receiving disproportionate credit while the contributions of other regions are minimized.
The crucial role of Bengal, including the Lahore Resolution proposed by AK Fazlul Huq, is largely ignored. Similarly, the complex history of Balochistan’s accession to Pakistan is oversimplified, with textbooks falsely claiming that the Shahi Jirga’s decision represented the will of the Baloch people, ignoring the significant role of the Khan of Kalat State and the subsequent resistance movement.
This systematic manipulation of education has far-reaching consequences. The curriculum’s persistent portrayal of non-Muslims, particularly Hindus and the West, as perpetual antagonists creates a siege mentality among students.
They grow up believing in widespread conspiracies against Pakistan and Islam, making them susceptible to extremist ideologies. The textbooks’ narrow definition of Pakistani nationalism, exclusively through an Islamic lens, alienates religious minorities and promotes a dangerous form of religious supremacy.
This paranoid worldview becomes deeply ingrained, making it difficult for students to develop balanced perspectives or engage in critical thinking.
The link between this educational approach and terrorism cannot be ignored. When young minds are consistently exposed to narratives of victimhood, religious superiority, and justified hatred towards “others,” they become fertile ground for radical ideologies.
The curriculum’s glorification of jihad, often presented solely in its militant context rather than its broader spiritual meaning, further contributes to the normalization of violence as a means of religious expression.
Terrorist organizations exploit this mindset, finding it easier to recruit individuals who have been primed by their education to view violence as a legitimate response to perceived threats against their religion or nation.
The problem is compounded by the textbooks’ treatment of women and gender issues. The curriculum often portrays women as weak and subordinate, reinforcing patriarchal values and limiting their role in society.
This gender bias, combined with religious extremism, creates a toxic environment that perpetuates discrimination and violence against women. Recent incidents, such as the viral video promoting hate speech against women’s education in Punjab, demonstrate how deeply these regressive attitudes are entrenched in society.
The provincial textbook boards, responsible for reviewing and approving educational content, have failed in their duty to ensure balanced and factual material. Instead, they have become instruments of ideological indoctrination, allowing the proliferation of content that promotes paranoia, conspiracy theories, and religious intolerance.
The treatment of Bangladesh’s independence in textbooks exemplifies this problem. Rather than acknowledging historical mistakes and learning from them, the curriculum blames India, Bengali Hindus, and external powers for the separation.
This refusal to accept responsibility or engage in honest historical analysis prevents students from developing critical thinking skills and understanding the importance of addressing grievances through dialogue rather than force.
Attempts to reform the curriculum have faced significant resistance from religious parties and conservative elements within the state apparatus.
Even when changes are implemented, as during Musharraf’s era, they are often reversed under pressure from religious groups. This cycle of failed reforms demonstrates the deep-rooted nature of the problem and the powerful interests invested in maintaining the status quo.
The way forward requires a complete overhaul of the education system. This includes not only revising textbook content but also retraining teachers who have been conditioned to perpetuate these harmful narratives.
The curriculum must embrace historical accuracy, promote critical thinking, and foster respect for diversity and human rights. This transformation is essential for breaking the cycle of extremism and creating a more peaceful, tolerant society. Provincial governments, particularly after the 18th Amendment, have an opportunity to lead this change.
Sindh’s recent initiative to review and eliminate hateful content from its curriculum is a step in the right direction, but more comprehensive reforms are needed across all provinces.
The involvement of subject matter experts, progressive educators, and civil society in curriculum development is crucial for creating educational content that promotes peace, tolerance, and social harmony. Until Pakistan addresses this fundamental flaw in its education system, efforts to combat extremism and terrorism will remain superficial.
The country must recognize that true security and progress cannot be achieved while its educational institutions continue to sow seeds of hatred and division.
The time has come for Pakistan to choose between perpetuating a curriculum of hate and embracing an education system that prepares its youth for a peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous future.
The author is an Assistant Professor in International Relations, National Defence University , Gujarat, India
