President of Finland, Alexander Stubb speaks during an interview.
You met with President Samia Suluhu Hassan to deepen development ties. What is being done to increase the low levels of direct trade between Finland and Tanzania?
Trade is not done by governments—it’s done by companies. The role of governments is to create the enabling environment, through bilateral agreements and policies that facilitate commerce.
As a member of the European Union and with Tanzania being part of the East African Community, both our countries benefit from trade frameworks designed to ease cross-border trade. My mission here included bringing a Finnish business delegation. We have 10 companies and hope they will explore opportunities and ultimately grow the trade volume between our countries.
What incentives exist for Tanzanian or East African businesses to invest in Finland or the EU?
First, the EU should be viewed as one single market with free movement of goods, services, labour, and capital—plus a common currency, the Euro. While accessing the EU market can appear complex, persistence pays off.
As a firm believer in free trade, I think we must reduce unnecessary barriers. Europe strives to be a fair and open trading partner, though there’s still work to be done. I genuinely believe the future of global growth lies on the African continent, and we must engage Africa not only as a market but as a partner.
What conversations are happening to support Tanzania's transition from exporting raw materials to value-added products?
It’s a global challenge—how to move up the value chain. My view is that economies need to balance raw materials with service development. Finland, for example, has limited natural resources, so we’ve had to innovate in services and technology.
Tanzania has an abundance of rare earth minerals, but it's crucial not to become overly reliant on natural resources. Look at Russia—resource-rich but innovation-poor. True progress comes through diversification and innovation.
Finland and Tanzania are exploring collaboration in AI and the digital economy. How do we ensure inclusivity for developing nations in global tech governance?
The global order is shifting, and it no longer reflects the post-1945 reality. The Global South must have greater voice and agency in shaping global systems—including technology governance.
First, we need to invest in infrastructure to bridge the digital divide. Without access, countries are at an automatic disadvantage. Second, we must stay ahead of the curve: the 1990s were about mobile phones, the 2000s about digitalisation, the 2010s about AI, and the next frontier is quantum computing. Let’s partner in that journey.
Africa has leapfrogged in many digital innovations, often skipping foundational stages. How do we address the gaps this creates?
That’s the paradox—leapfrogging can widen inequality. It creates a divide between the connected and the left behind. The key is ensuring equitable resource distribution and digital inclusion.
On the upside, Africa’s digital evolution means it’s no longer solely dependent on commodities. And here’s the real opportunity—Africa’s demographic edge. Young people are the innovation engine. Support them, fund startups, and let them lead.
What can Tanzania and Africa learn from Finland in addressing youth unemployment?
Two things. First, embrace reverse mentorship—young people today understand the future better than the older generation. Let them lead.
Second, liberal democracies, while imperfect, are better at correcting themselves. The real threat to democracy today is educated youth without opportunity. That mismatch creates frustration. We need systems where education leads to employment.
You’ve spoken about the erosion of multilateralism amid rising global division. What steps can global leaders take to restore trust and unity in the international system and how can the UN regain its central role in global problem-solving?
If the UN didn’t exist, we’d have to invent it. It remains the best platform for global cooperation. But its power structure is outdated—it reflects the post-WWII order, not today’s world.
In New York, I proposed expanding the UN Security Council from 5 to 10 permanent members, with at least five new seats going to Latin America, Africa, and Asia. We must also abolish the veto. It gives undue power to a few countries, especially when they act against the UN Charter—as Russia has in Ukraine.
UN Security Council was created in the image of the victors of WWII in 1945, and that is not the world we are living in anymore. If we want to preserve multilateralism, where the global south has power, then we have to reform the institution.
Is your proposal to abolish the veto and expand the Council realistic?
I’m less concerned with realism and more focused on what ought to be done. The veto undermines progress and cooperation. For example, the US, China, and Russia often use it to stall action. If a country blatantly violates the UN Charter, like Russia has, it should lose its voting rights.
Developing countries feel inadequately included in shaping global narratives and solutions. How do you suggest we move from this sense of exclusion to a reformed system that truly reflects today’s geopolitical realities?
It comes down to power and ownership. If you give countries agency in institutions like the UN, IMF, World Bank, and WTO, they’ll have a stake in the system. Without that, these institutions will be seen as vehicles for external influence rather than shared global stewardship.
Are there other countries in Europe that share your vision?
I can’t give a number, but I believe in the power of strategic swing states in the Global South—India, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Kenya, Nigeria, Brazil, and others. If these countries step up and show leadership, we could indeed shape a new world order. If they remain passive, change will be slower.
What’s your view on overcoming protectionism within regional blocs?
Protectionism is not just an African issue—it exists in Europe too. Coming from a small country, I’ve made fighting protectionism my mission. Open economies thrive when we remove barriers to trade, labour, and capital. Regional integration is the future, especially in today’s challenging economic environment.
Africa is facing a financial squeeze due to shifting priorities among international development partners. What can be done to address this challenge?
Every country—developed or developing—is feeling the pressure of a global financial squeeze. This isn’t a short-term crisis; it’s a structural shift that will likely define the next few decades.
The key question is: how do we respond? Too often, the approach is purely transactional—focused on short-term deals rather than long-term solutions. I believe we need to move beyond deal-making and focus on deeper cooperation.
If the global economic order is indeed changing—and I believe it is—then the most effective response is greater regional integration. By working together within regional blocs, countries can pool resources, build resilience, and strengthen their collective bargaining power on the global stage.
What gives you hope that global leaders will choose cooperation over confrontation?
We simply don’t have a choice. Whether it's climate change, demographic shifts, technology, migration, or peace—none of these problems can be solved alone. Cooperation isn’t idealism anymore; it’s a necessity.
