Polish envoy discusses EU's challenges, role for Tanzania

1.     Can you provide an overview of Poland’s journey to becoming a member of the European Union? What were the main challenges you and the other Central and Eastern European countries faced on the path to the accession in the EU as you all were previously aligned with the so-called Eastern Bloc?

The starting point was the fall of communism in 1989. That year Poland and other Central and Eastern European nations regained their independence from the Soviet Union and the socialist system it imposed. We were no longer forced to obey the political and economic command of Moscow. Older readers of The Citizen may remember that during the 1960s, ‘70s and ‘80s Poland and Tanzania were close friends collaborating on joint projects within the socialist framework.

However, please bear in mind that for us it was a rather dark period of an inefficient, centrally planned economy, limited freedoms, state-controlled media, and above all – the feeling of being deprived of our sovereignty.

The collapse of communism was a chance for us to make our own choices regarding our political and economic future. And the choice was obvious - we witnessed how the democratic and prosperous countries of Western Europe were already benefitting from their integration. An overwhelming majority of Poles supported the new course our democratically elected government had taken, leading to the reform of the political and economic system and its orientation towards the West. It was a difficult path as we were starting from a very low development level.

In 1990 the GDP per capita was less than 5 thousand USD. The economy was state-owned and very inefficient. The infrastructure throughout the country was in an appalling condition. The legal system required a general overhaul to guarantee human rights and freedoms. Urgent reforms were necessary to help private entrepreneurship take root and develop.

The period of 1990-2004 was a time of fast changes and ambitious reforms. I was a hard work to adjust our legal and organisational framework to the requirements of the accession to the European Union. Of course, we have been supported in this regard by the EU both financially, through the pre-accession funds, and in terms of expertise.

I still remember many French, British, Spanish and other EU specialists who came to Poland and assisted us in modernising our administration sector, streamlining the state budget regulations as well as increasing efficiency of the tax system. Nevertheless, it was primarily a huge effort of millions of Poles to put our country back on its feet. The same applies to other nations of Central and Eastern Europe including the Czechs, Slovaks, Hungarians, Slovenians, Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians, with whom we joined the EU together in 2004.

2.     The reforms and changes Poland had to embark before joining the EU and NATO referred to the foreign policy area as well. Can you tell us how those changes impacted the way Poland engaged with other countries, including some from Africa?

As you know the international cooperation within the communist block was often more about ideology than efficiency or tangible results. After its collapse we inherited an ineffective and costly foreign policy structure, which needed a deep reform. Our goals had completely changed as well. The priority was to anchor Poland’s security to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and Poland’s economy to the European Union. We felt that we have to do it as quickly as possible. Nobody in Central and Eastern Europe knew for sure how long the opportunity to connect us with the West would last. All this required an enormous efforts of the Polish foreign service and intensive cooperation with Western democracies. What suffered as a result were the relations with countries elsewhere in the world such as with our African partners. To reduce operating costs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs we had to close many of our embassies and consulates abroad. For some time we were unable to provide  the attention these countries deserved. That trend has been reversed only recently as Poland has joined the group of the most developed economies and become an emerging development donor itself. The fact that Africa is fast becoming a land of business and investment opportunity is helping, too.  

3.     How has Poland benefitted from its membership in the EU since accession? What were the costs? How do you assess the balance as for today?

As we are marking the 20th anniversary of the accession to the EU, several analyses on this topic have been made and published in Poland. They all agree that the balance of our country’s membership in the EU is clearly positive.

The costs are obviously in the area of a delegated sovereignty. There is now one more layer of authority – in Brussels and in the headquarters of other EU institutions. The result is a burden of extra bureaucracy. Of course Poland, being a member state, can shape the EU policies. However, there  concerns that the membership in the EU could limit our sovereignty. It is resonating particularly are strongly in Poland, given our painful historical experience of foreign occupation and rule.

On the other hand, Poland is the single biggest beneficiary of the EU funds, receiving from the Community nearly three times more money than it pays to the common coffer. The biggest and most important among them is the so-called cohesion fund. Its purpose is to reduce the economic and social gap between the richer and poorer countries of the EU. It is in fact an instrument of sharing the wealth within our European community, a social justice tool.

Thanks to the membership a lot has been achieved also in the area of investment and job creation  – the total value of Foreign Direct Investments in Poland in the last 20 years exceeds 200 billion USD. 

Another area where we are benefiting a lot is the European single market and EU’s free movement of capital, goods, labour and services. Millions of Poles can take job opportunities in other, more developed member states. Our companies, especially food and machinery producers can sell and provide services freely in the market of 450 million people. Polish students can start or continue education at the top-notch universities of Sweden, Belgium, Italy or any other EU member state.

But most of all, the membership has changed the way we live together as a society and treat each other. It is enhancing our young democracy, strengthening the rule of law and safeguarding the protection of the rights of women, minority groups and individuals. And it is clear that all these groups become more productive, creative and innovative when they feel safe from prejudice, persecution or unequal treatment. 

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4.     What have been the experience and the main challenges of your membership in the EU in the past two decades? What is your outlook on addressing some of the areas of concern between Warsaw and Brussels such as the rule of law, abortion rights or mining and environment disputes?

In general, it has been an experience of a fast and consistent economic growth and social development. Since 1990, Poland’s economy has grown by nearly 900%, making it one of the fastest developing economies in the world. This growth can be largely attributed to our pre-accession efforts and the subsequent membership in the EU.

Putting development aside, we encountered several challenges in the security, political and economic agenda over the last 20 years. The global financial crisis of 2008 and the COVID-19 pandemics both put a strong pressure on the EU member states and tested our solidarity. The UK’s Brexit in 2020 posed particular disadvantages to Poland. Apart from our deep historical ties with the British, we have been sharing views on several key issues in the EU, including the security of the Community and the regulations governing the EU’s internal and the global market.

Finally, the Russian aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 elevated the threat to our security to a whole new level as it compelled us to focus on defending of all that we have achieved so far in Europe. 

On our internal arena the conservative right-wing rule of the previous Polish government was a period of several disputes with the European Commission and the EU Parliament in areas such as the rule of law, women’s abortion rights and environment protection. Most of them have either been fixed already or they are on their way to being solved. This brings us to another advantage of the EU membership. As a member, you gain a whole new protective layer against any radical changes that could otherwise be implemented by the currently ruling elites to the detriment of the society or individuals. The disputes are subject to resolution by the European Court of Justice, a judiciary that is independent from your current government and its immediate political needs. Therefore, EU membership acts similar to an anchor keeping your boat against the unpredictable winds and currents that could otherwise lead you into dangerous waters.    

5.     Some of the main EU policies in such areas as immigration, climate change and economy impact the rest of the world. What is your view of the progress made so far on these issues?

These global challenges require a coordinated response of the international community. Nevertheless, being better developed than most other parts of the world the European Union has a particular responsibility to address environmental degradation, climate change or global inequalities. And it does. The EU, with its member states, is the biggest international development donor, and it is pursuing a very ambitious path to reduce greenhouse emissions. Poland is a part of these efforts, although I have to mention that reconciling  these endeavours with protecting our own development needs and interests is a subject of a heated discussion within the EU. Similarly, the issue of illegal migration arouses intense emotions within our Community. On one hand, migration might help fill in the gaps in the European labour market and bolster our economies. On the other, many people in Europe are afraid that uncontrolled migration may pose a threat to our security, our historic and cultural heritage and our way of life. We have to address these concerns carefully as they have the potential to fuel populist, radical ideas and groupings within the EU.

It seems we still have a long way to go in addressing all these challenges but as members of the EU, we do not postpone seeking, discussing and ultimately implementing solutions.

6.     How do you assess the overall functioning and effectiveness of the European Union? With some members opting out of the bloc, do you think the EU is still as relevant today as it was 20 years ago?

I believe the European Union is more relevant today than ever before. We should not forget that it represents the greatest success of political and economic integration of so many countries in world history. It finally put an end to the animosities and wars between European nations that had plagued our continent for centuries. The EU has brought an unprecedented freedom and prosperity to all of us  citizens of its member states. It has given us a stronger voice, an increased attractiveness and better ability to promote our values on the global stage.

Referring to Brexit I think it was rather an isolated event than a part of a broader trend. Like many Poles, I am hopeful that the British reconsider the decision of leaving the unified Europe after conducting a thorough analysis of costs and benefits. 

Currently, even the far-right European political parties – save the extreme radicals on the margin – are focusing their agenda rather on revamping of the EU system than on leaving it altogether. If we keep a prudent course on the most socially contentious issues such as uncontrolled migration I would rather anticipate new accessions than new exits.

7.     In your opinion, what are the biggest challenges currently facing the European Union? How will they shape the future of the EU and what is Poland’s possible role in it?

In the short term, it is obviously the Russian attack on Ukraine and the war that is ravaging the immediate neighbourhood of the EU. The outcome of this conflict remains uncertain but the EU has declared its unwavering support to the Ukrainians defending their country within its legal and internationally recognised borders. We have also committed to support Ukraine’s aspirations for accession to the European Union. This stance puts us on the collision course with the Russian regime that perceives Ukraine to be within its sphere of influence. It poses a potential threat of an attack against the EU territory. Therefore, we need to invest in our defence capabilities. It has been Europe’s weak spot so far. Historically, many European NATO members relied heavily on the United States for defence. The US assistance was crucial to end two massive conflicts in Europe - the World War I and II. Even so, it is not a sustainable strategy for us to rely on external assistance forever. Poland, being located at the easternmost flank of the EU has a particular role to play in the defence framework of the Community.

In the long term perspective, however, we are fully aware that it will be difficult to achieve a lasting stability in the Europe’s eastern neighbourhood without the establishment of a robust democracy in the region. Over the past two decades the majority of the Polish development assistance has been focused on fostering economic transformation, strengthening of the democratic institutions and protecting human rights in the neighbouring countries to our east, mostly in the former Soviet Republics. We have been strongly advocating to provide them with a perspective of future EU membership. The democratic countries in general and the EU member states in particular never engage in conflicts with each other. The European Union stands as the proven mechanism to ensure a lasting peace across our continent.

Of course, as I mentioned before, we must not overlook other equally important challenges such as migration, climate change and the global biosphere destruction, all of which require EU’s close attention and decisive action.

8.     Many countries are intensifying their cooperation with Africa. With the rise of the influence of China and India, how does the EU, through its member countries such as Poland plan to maintain close relations with Africa?

I believe the good relations African countries have with China or India do not exclude an equally beneficial partnership with the EU, especially when you bear in mind the EU-Africa long-term strategic development cooperation. African economies and markets are big and growing fast, providing opportunities for business and investments from anywhere around the world. Furthermore, there are numerous development needs where different partners have various comparative advantages. Some excel at infrastructure and construction, while others focus on trade, agriculture, machinery, tourism development or supporting entrepreneurship. Tanzania sends its students equally to China, India, US and to the EU countries and the demand for studies abroad still exceeds the available opportunities. 

Of course we would like to see African countries embark on a path to development similar to the one we have followed ourselves: with economic transformation, the democracy building and a wide array of human rights and liberties in one package. It seems to be a good choice. Last 35 years of Polish history has been a proof of it.

However, we understand one cannot simply copy-paste the same development model everywhere. Local conditions, history, geography and cultural context - all of them must be taken into consideration.

So there is probably more than one path. What I would like to say is that we are ready to share the experience we have gained so far on the one we have followed ourselves.

9.     Having worked in East Africa for quite a long time, what do you think the East African Community can learn from the EU in terms of deeper integration, especially now when more members are joining the bloc?

It is a bit tricky question. As a member of the European Union, Poland has traditionally been a proponent and supporter of the rapid expansion of the Community. We have always been preoccupied with the security of the young democracies in the Central and Eastern Europe. In effect, we have advocated for the accession of all countries willing to do that, even at the expense of deeper integration of the EU. However, just like with the development model, you cannot simply copy a policy from one continent to another. I think only the citizens and the leaders of the EAC can honestly answer these questions. Will the membership of new entrants to the community help them resolve their internal conflicts and disputes with their neighbours? How will I, as a citizen of the EAC, benefit from the expansion? How will it benefit my family, my town, my region and my nation? Will it broaden opportunities in terms of study, travel, work, making profits at my company?

Such questions feed the discussion on new accessions in every EU country. And, of course, after having discussed it, we have to reach an agreement that respects the rules of democracy and the voice of the citizens.

10.  Finally, how do you see a role Poland can play beyond the bilateral cooperation with Tanzania, how can it contribute to the relations between the EU and our country?

Poland is at an advantage as it has an Embassy in Tanzania. This means we are able to gain first-hand knowledge on government policies, public discussions, and development challenges. We can share this expertise with EU countries that have no diplomatic presence here, such as other Central and Eastern European states.

Another area is our expertise in transforming the state and the economy from a socialist, centrally-planned model into a free-market oriented one. It is a process Tanzania is also going through. Thus our recent experience can be useful in the EU’s  cooperation with your country.

Finally, Poland contributes to the discussion on shaping and implementing all key European Union policies in your country. The EU’s progressing integration causes us - the member states - to work even closer than before under the umbrella of the so-called Team Europe initiative. We intend to be an active partner in this collaboration and to ensure that it is mutually beneficial.