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Tundu Lissu's seven enemies in Chadema

Chadema Chairperson, Tundu Lissu, addresses journalists upon his first arrival at the party’s offices in Dar es Salaam after being elected leader. PHOTO | SAID KHAMIS   

What you need to know:

  • By seemingly overlooking Chadema’s Constitution and making appointments without constitutional confirmation, Mr Lissu appears to undermine the party’s core principles.

Dar es Salaam. February 21, 2025 marks one month since the opposition Chadema held what can be described as a historic election that was sufficiently free, fair, transparent and with high integrity.

This event stands out not only because it was the first time the party’s sitting chairman lost an election but also due to the entire process.

The outcome was a major surprise, with the electoral wave largely driven from outside, via social media, before trickling in to shake the delegates' perception.

On the morning of January 22, 2025, after an election vigil, the results revealed that Tundu Lissu had defeated Freeman Mbowe, who had led Chadema for two decades.

After his defeat, Mr Mbowe urged Mr Lissu to unite the party in the wake of a fiercely contested election, where candidates for various positions resorted to both fair and underhanded tactics to secure voters' support.

On February 3, 2025, Chadema’s Central Committee, led by Mr Lissu, convened in Bagamoyo, Coast Region, for a meeting aimed at forging consensus.

Following the meeting, a photograph was shared online to show unity within the Central Committee, with no apparent division.

However, just three weeks after the Bagamoyo meeting, party member Mr Lembrus Mchome submitted a letter to the Secretary-General, Mr John Mnyika, seeking clarification on what he viewed as breaches of Chadema’s Constitution during the confirmation of newly appointed leaders.

Referred leaders appointed on January 22, 2025, include Mr Mnyika to continue as Secretary General, Aman Golugwa as Deputy Secretary General for Tanzania Mainland, and Ally Juma as Deputy Secretary General for Zanzibar.

These appointments were confirmed in a meeting of the National Executive Council (NEC).

Mr Lissu also appointed Mr Godbless Lema, Ms Rose Mayemba, Ms Salma Kasanzu, Mr Hafidh Saleh and Dr Rugemeleza Nshala as Central Committee members.

As per the party’s Constitution, all appointments were duly ratified by the NEC.

Mr Mchome complains that the confirmation meeting of the NEC did not meet the required quorum, making these appointments a violation of Chadema's Constitution.

Mr Mchome, Chadema’s Secretary in Mwanga District, Kilimanjaro Region, posted on his X account (formerly Twitter), alleging that Mr Mnyika had ordered the revocation of leadership positions he held within the party.

Lissu is widely known as a defender of justice.

From his legal activism career, Mr Lissu has been a steadfast advocate for justice, the rule of law, and good governance.

However, by seemingly overlooking Chadema’s Constitution and making appointments without constitutional confirmation, Mr Lissu appears to undermine the party’s core principles.

Given that Mr Lissu was instrumental in drafting Chadema's Constitution, how can he now sideline it in favour of personal preferences?

Moreover, Mr Lissu is a symbol of free speech, and his life has been marked by suffering due to his willingness to speak out, even in perilous times.

Thus, why should Mr Mchome face expulsion for merely expressing his concerns about the violation of the party’s Constitution?

Therefore, Mr Lissu’s first enemy lies in allowing Chadema to treat those who disagree with him in ways that contradict his longstanding advocacy for justice and democracy.

Why should Mr Mchome be penalised for expressing his opinion, while during the campaigns, Mr Lissu openly spoke about former chairman Mr Mbowe without facing expulsion?

Mr Lissu is a lawyer who has consistently spoken out whenever he perceives a violation of the rule of law.

Mr Lissu’s second enemy arises from his apparent disregard for Chadema’s Constitution.

If Mr Mchome’s claims are true, the appointments made by Mr Lissu and confirmed by the NEC without the necessary quorum reflect a leader who disregards party rules, much like an imam violating the dietary laws he is meant to uphold.

Was the NEC confirmation valid despite the quorum issue?

Some argue the appointees were sufficient, and thus the confirmation stands.

Lissu’s third enemy is the party’s “No Reforms, No Election” stance.

The party asserts that without constitutional and electoral reforms, there should be no election.

This stance presents a significant challenge for Mr Lissu.

Should Tanzania hold elections without any reform, Mr Lissu will be seen as the one who failed.

If Chadema participates without legal changes, he risks becoming a laughingstock.

Therefore, Mr Lissu must ensure constitutional changes are implemented before the 2025 General Election or take legal action to prevent the election from proceeding.

Failing to do so will erode public confidence in him.

Mr Lissu's fourth enemy lies in the high hopes Tanzanians, especially those calling for change, have placed on him.

His ascension to the Chadema chairmanship was bolstered by support from both inside and outside the party.

People advocating for political reform see Mr Lissu as their hope.

They believe he is the solution to their political grievances.

Among them are those who campaigned for Mr Lissu with the belief that, if he were to lead, he would bring an end to abductions.

The name Deusdedith Soka, who disappeared in August 2024 along with his colleagues Jacob Mlay and Frank Mbise, were widely cited.

If abductions continue under Mr Lissu’s leadership, he will face significant criticism.

The public’s political expectations of Mr Lissu are thus his fourth major adversary.

This heavy burden is something he must navigate carefully.

Mr Lissu’s fifth enemy is finances.

Like many political movements, Chadema struggles with limited resources.

Without the necessary funds, he will find it difficult to achieve his political goals.

Currently, there is an appeal for donations from Tanzanians to sustain the movement.

If Mr Lissu fails to secure sufficient funding, his ability to enact change will be severely constrained.

The sixth challenge Mr Lissu faces is the entrenched power of the Tanzania Police Force.

In his efforts to travel across Tanzania to promote his ‘No Reforms, No Election’ agenda, he will likely face resistance from the police.

Lastly, Mr Lissu’s seventh adversary is his ability to demonstrate wisdom in handling dissent within his party.

He will further alienate key supporters if he fails to engage democratically with members who disagree with him, or attempts to expel them instead of fostering constructive dialogue.

Many of these dissenting voices were once firm supporters of the previous chairman, Mr Mbowe.

Mr Lissu must use wisdom when dealing with Mr Mbowe’s followers and allow democracy to thrive within Chadema.