CCM frivolity behind the rise of Magufuli (2)
The late Founding Father of the Nation, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere speaks during a past event. PHOTO | FILE
What you need to know:
- Nyerere was indeed stinging in his remarks suggesting that given the strong likelihood that whoever would emerge the CCM flag-bearer would be the next president, the matter of costs that had been haphazardly raised by some of the leaders, should instead fall on them given the importance of the exercise.
- Looking overall at Magufuli’s reign, the major lesson to draw is that we urgently need political parties that can militate against any form of deity emerging again.
Last week’s article was on the rise of Magufuli to the top as a result of CCM’s frivolity. Today is the remaining part.
The 2005 CCM presidential contest saw the vice-chairman, John Malecela, unceremoniously chucked out of the race and any attempt to appeal his case was rejected. Just imagine someone who is supposed to be in the frontline of mapping out the party programme ends up dumped! The rules of the contest were also changed abruptly from three votes to one vote. This was all skewed in favour of the eventual victor.
Now on to 2015 when Magufuli threw himself in the ring. With all the wrongs from 1985 to 2005 not being put right, 2015 was bound to be an unmitigated disaster. Something very important to note is that in 1995, Nyerere was at pains to emphasize to CCM that they should allow a period of about a month after they have shortlisted their names in order that the rank and file members and public-at-large can have a chance to digest the candidates - and by extension the commanding heights of the party will be in a better position to select the most suitable person.
In fact, Nyerere said it would be tantamount to ambushing the membership by rushing the process on the pretext of costs.
Nyerere was indeed stinging in his remarks suggesting that given the strong likelihood that whoever would emerge the CCM flag-bearer would be the next president, the matter of costs that had been haphazardly raised by some of the leaders, should instead fall on them given the importance of the exercise.
This sound advice was put into effect in 1995 but come 2005, unfortunately was thrown out the window. Everything was about fast-tracking things.
One can only imagine if there was say a month in which the shortlisted candidates were to go for a final round of campaigning before the Congress, the atmosphere would have been impossible for candidates like Kikwete and Magufuli. The waiting for ilani or manifesto business would have been a non-starter.
As it were, an incredulous near-40 presidential hopefuls declared interest.
This reminds me of the failed state of Haiti where such numbers are witnessed.
Really all akin to a race-to-the-bottom where a candidate throws the dice and prays for divine intervention. Magufuli would in the most extraordinary manner speak after becoming president that he was merely ‘beeping’ in his bid and that the call came back. Surely, CCM as a party of government allowing all this?
I dare to say if there were was seriousness in CCM, there was no way somebody with a background of intimidating his fellow parliamentary contestants would be entertained anywhere near high office.
It is instructive that it was the late CCM secretary-general, Horace Kolimba, who said in the early phase of Mkapa’s rule that CCM had “no vision nor direction.” What followed was his quick summoning to Dodoma.
One can also assert the point that if the party had been acting on real cases, the extraordinary situation where CCM MPs are acting as bedfellows with the so-called Covid-19 group of ladies, was simply unthinkable.
On another scale, the opposition parties are also complicit in some form in the rise of Magufuli as had they been equal to the task over the many years, important matters such as presidential debates would have been a top priority for them and thus exposing any frivolous person with presidential dreams.
Tanzania did have a presidential debate in 1995 and it has remained something historic.
The last thing CCM wants is close scrutiny but also the opposition for the most part are averse to hard questions.
They are equally guilty of adopting CCM fellows and announcing we are “changing gear in midair”. Before you know it the defectors will be trooping back home.
It was Malecela who used to liken Tanzania’s opposition parties to faulty buses. He was quite right. By the same token, one can draw parallels with CCM as a train going completely off the rails. Their gross negligence over the succession question is what gave rise to John Magufuli.
It was akin to the Titanic ship that hit an iceberg with devastating consequences.
Looking overall at Magufuli’s reign, the major lesson to draw is that we urgently need political parties that can militate against any form of deity emerging again. We are a God-fearing people for a start even if we were wrongly denied a chance to pray for Magufuli whilst on his deathbed.
Even our former ambassador to Sweden, Dr Slaa most notably decried this denial by the government.
All told, the UN Human Development Report from 2002 titled Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World, critically points out: “Democratisation does not guarantee social justice any more than it guarantees economic growth, social peace, administrative efficiency, political harmony, free markets or the end of ideology. \
But the institutions, practices and ideals of democracy have the capacity to challenge the concentration of political party and prevent the emergence of tyranny.
Thus they play a role in building governance that is by the people as well as for the people.”
Take careful note Tanzania.
