Dodoma. Tanzania’s founding President and Father of the Nation, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, remains a towering figure whose ideas on democracy continue to shape the country’s political philosophy twenty-six years later after his demise. For Nyerere, democracy was never a question of how many political parties existed or how often elections were held.
To him, it was a moral principle, a way of governance that placed people at the centre of decision-making and made leaders accountable as servants of the nation.
Although his government formally abolished the multi-party system in 1965, the decision was rooted not in a rejection of democracy but in a desire for unity and national stability.
The young nation had just emerged from colonial rule, and Nyerere feared that competition along ethnic, regional or religious lines could tear it apart.
He envisioned a single, broad-based political movement that would unite citizens under shared values rather than divided loyalties.
Yet even as he defended the one-party system, Mwalimu Nyerere acknowledged that it could not last forever. In his later years, he took deliberate steps to prepare both the nation and his own party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), for a future of political pluralism.
His writings, particularly in Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism and Tujisahihishe (“Let Us Correct Ourselves”), reveal his conviction that democracy was inseparable from justice, equality, and freedom.
The one-party model, in his mind, was not an end but a means, a temporary structure to foster cohesion until the country matured politically.
He often insisted that true democracy required citizens’ active participation, moral leadership, and the courage to correct mistakes collectively.
This foresight became most evident in the early 1990s, as winds of democratic reform swept across Africa and the world. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent disintegration of the Soviet Union marked a turning point in global politics.
Across Eastern Europe and much of Africa, authoritarian ideologies gave way to multiparty democracy. In Tanzania, internal pressure for reform began to mount as well.
The Nyalali Commission, established in 1991 to gather public opinion on the political system, revealed that only about 20 percent of Tanzanians supported the introduction of multi-party politics.
But Nyerere understood that change was inevitable. He urged CCM to lead the transition rather than resist it, arguing that genuine reform should come from strength and foresight, not from external coercion.
Addressing the CCM National Conference in February 1992, Nyerere warned party members to embrace change with integrity and tolerance. “These reforms must be guided and led by a united and strong Chama Cha Mapinduzi,” he told them. “Let us embrace change with integrity and avoid creating hostile parties. Those who decide to leave CCM should not be seen as traitors. Democracy demands the freedom to differ.”
The moment marked one of the most memorable speeches of his post-presidential life—a moment of humility, transition, and moral clarity from a man who had once led a one-party state.
For opposition figures who would later benefit from the multi-party system, Nyerere’s role in this transition remains deeply respected.
In 2021, the then NCCR-Mageuzi chairman James Mbatia has described him as “the true father of democracy,” noting that Nyerere used his influence not to obstruct reform but to guide it responsibly.
“He told Tanzanians that waiting until 80 percent demanded change would be too late. That was leadership,” Mr Mbatia said. Yet Mr Mbatia also pointed out that Nyerere’s democratic legacy was imperfect.
“He opened the door but did not ensure that the system was fully institutionalised. We did not get a new constitution, and public resources were never clearly separated from the ruling party. In that sense, he remained more the father of CCM than of the nation’s democracy,” he added.
Veteran politician John Shibuda of ADA-TADEA offers historical justification for Nyerere’s earlier move to abolish multiparty politics.
“We already had multiple parties during the struggle for independence,” he recalls, “but some were colonial creations—puppet parties meant to weaken genuine movements like TANU.”
To Nyerere, such entities threatened unity and independence, justifying the shift to a one-party structure. Yet by the 1990s, even Nyerere himself recognised that the policy of self-correction within CCM had failed. Corruption, complacency, and self-interest had taken root.
That, the world was changing fast, and he understood that Tanzania could not remain static without risking stagnation.
However, Nyerere’s democratic instincts were evident long before independence. During the 1958 Legislative Council elections under British rule, the colonial administration imposed a racially divided voting system that required citizens to vote for a European, an Asian, and an African candidate.
Many in TANU wanted to boycott the elections in protest, but Nyerere argued otherwise. At a general meeting in Tabora, he persuaded party members to participate, warning that a boycott would give colonial authorities an excuse to claim Africans were unready for self-rule. TANU contested, and won all ten constituencies, proving that strategic participation was more powerful than symbolic protest.
Throughout his leadership, Nyerere embodied a complex balance of authority and inclusiveness. He believed in strong, disciplined governance but also in dialogue and consensus. Even within a one-party framework, he sought to preserve competition by ensuring voters could choose among multiple CCM candidates for parliamentary and local government seats. Pius Msekwa, a retired CCM stalwart and former Speaker of Parliament, recalls that
“Nyerere understood that real democracy requires competition. When opposition parties disappeared, he made sure that intra-party contests preserved that democratic spirit.”
His vision of democracy extended beyond the ballot box to the moral conduct of leaders. In Tujisahihishe, published in 1962, he warned against deceit, bribery and manipulation in leadership selection.
“Our leaders must emerge from the people—without deceit, threats, bribery or manipulation. Members must think carefully about whom they choose,” he wrote.
To him, democracy was not merely procedural but ethical, built upon humility and integrity. His farewell address to Parliament in 1985 echoed this ethos: “The most important task for me has been to build a united nation based on respect and equality of all human beings.”
The early 1990s tested that legacy. As Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda conceded defeat in 1991 and nations like Benin and Malawi embraced pluralism, Tanzania could not remain an island of one-party rule.
At the 1990 CCM Special National Conference, Nyerere acknowledged the inevitability of reform, urging Tanzanians to deliberate carefully.
“If we decide to maintain a one-party system, let it be for clear reasons. If we choose multiparty politics, we must also understand why,” he said. “Democracy is not about systems; it is about practice, allowing citizens to think, speak and decide freely.”
This belief in free thought and open dialogue was central to his philosophy. In ‘Binadamu na Maendeleo’ (Man and Development), published in 1967, he wrote that “leadership does not mean shouting orders or coercing people. It means discussion, persuasion and service. Authority must never replace democracy; it must be part of it.”
He insisted that freedom of expression and respect for minority voices were essential to social progress.
“Every person must be free to express their views, even when unpopular. The minority must have the right to speak without fear, and their ideas must be defeated only through reasoned argument, never through threats or force.”
Yet, ever the pragmatist, he cautioned that once a democratic decision was reached, even dissenters had a duty to respect and uphold it until a new consensus emerged.
Perhaps his most striking declaration of democratic principle came in 1995, when CCM was preparing to nominate Benjamin Mkapa as its presidential candidate.
“Tanzanians want change,” Nyerere said. “If they do not find it within CCM, they will seek it elsewhere.”
It was a bold statement from a man so closely associated with the party’s founding, a reminder that loyalty to principle must always outweigh loyalty to institutions.
His other oft-quoted remark, “CCM is not my mother; if it falters, I will leave,” remains etched in the national consciousness as a testament to integrity and moral conviction.
As Tanzania continues to navigate its democratic journey, Nyerere’s words remain a source of guidance.
His vision went beyond the formal transition from one-party rule to a multiparty system; it encompassed the deeper ideals of leadership, service, and civic responsibility.
He believed that democracy without ethics was hollow, and that freedom without discipline could quickly descend into chaos.
“There are two essentials for human development,” he once wrote. “First, enlightened leadership; second, democracy in decision-making. Without both, no sustainable progress is possible.”
Political analysts say the late Mwalimu Nyerere’s vision for democracy remains one of the most studied and debated legacies in Tanzania’s post-independence history.
They argue that his philosophical understanding of leadership and moral governance prepared the country not just institutionally, but intellectually, for the era of multiparty politics.
According to Dr Paul Loisulie of the University of Dodoma, Nyerere’s strength lay in his ability to see democracy as a moral journey rather than a mere political system.
“Mwalimu understood that democracy was not about the number of parties, but about cultivating ethical leadership and civic maturity,” Dr Loisulie explained. “His insistence that reform must come from within, not as a reaction to external pressure, ensured that Tanzania transitioned peacefully when many African nations were descending into chaos.”
Dr Loisulie added that Nyerere’s decision to guide CCM through change, instead of resisting it, was a mark of wisdom that continues to shape Tanzania’s stable political culture.
“He didn’t simply open the door to multipartyism; he prepared the people to walk through it responsibly,” he said.
Meanwhile, Prof Makame Ali Ussi of the State University of Zanzibar (SUZA) described Nyerere’s democratic philosophy as “a blend of moral conviction and strategic foresight.”
“For both the Mainland and Zanzibar, Nyerere’s idea of unity was not meant to suppress diversity but to protect it from being exploited for political gain,” Prof Ussi noted.
“He understood that multiparty politics without a foundation of shared nationhood could lead to division.”
He pointed to Nyerere’s writings ‘Binadamu na Maendeleo and Tujisahihishe’ as evidence of his belief that democracy must be practised through dialogue, service and integrity, not decrees or coercion.
“His teachings challenge today’s leaders to link democracy with values,” Prof Ussi said. “He showed that freedom without discipline and leadership without humility can never sustain a nation.”
Together, the analysts agree that Mwalimu Nyerere’s greatest legacy was his ability to connect moral vision with political action, preparing Tanzania for pluralism not through abrupt reform, but through years of civic education, unity-building and ethical leadership.
“He foresaw the future and prepared his people for it,” Dr Loisulie summed up. “That is the mark of a true statesman.”
Nearly three decades after his passing, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere still stands as the conscience of the Tanzanian nation, a leader who foresaw the future with clarity, prepared his people for change with wisdom, and reminded generations that true democracy is not about the number of parties on a ballot, but about the integrity, justice and humility with which a nation governs itself.
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