Lipumba’s sudden replacement sparks CUF leadership rift

At the centre of the storm is the sudden displacement of Prof Ibrahim Lipumba, a towering figure in Tanzanian opposition politics, and the rapid installation of Mirambo Yusuf as his successor.

The impasse dates to February 13, 2026, when the Registrar of Political Parties (RPPs) annulled CUF’s December 2024 General Election.

That election had reaffirmed Prof Lipumba’s leadership and installed five other key officials. Yet, two years later, the RPPs ruled the results void.

The annulled positions included: National Chairman, Prof Ibrahim Lipumba, Vice Chairman (Zanzibar), Mbarouk Seif Salim, Vice Chairman (Mainland), Othman Dunga, Secretary-General, Husna Mohamed Abdallah, Deputy Secretary-General (Mainland), Magdalena Sakaya, and Deputy Secretary-General (Zanzibar), Ali Juma Khamis.

The RPPs justified the annulment by citing CUF’s Constitution, which requires winning candidates to secure more than 50 percent of the valid votes cast.

According to the ruling, the 2024 victors had failed to meet this threshold, rendering their positions illegitimate.

A “light-speed” election

What has most unsettled party members is the breakneck pace of the corrective election.

While the RPPs allowed a three-month implementation window, the faction organising the rerun completed the process, from convening the National Executive Council (NEC) to the final vote, in just 48 hours.

The exercise, conducted between February 20 and 22, raises five fundamental questions that now threaten CUF’s stability.

Convocation: Who called the meeting?

Under Articles 72(2) and (3) of the CUF Constitution (revised 2019 and 2024), the party’s NEC alone can convene an extraordinary National General Meeting.

A majority of national delegates from both the Mainland and Zanzibar must consent.

The ambiguity centres on who had the authority to convene the meeting. Logic suggests that Prof Lipumba, the chairman before the disputed poll, should have presided. Yet organisers bypassed the existing leadership entirely.

Former Deputy Secretary-General for Mainland, Ms Magdalena Sakaya, said, "The chairman is responsible for convening extraordinary meetings. If the RPPs refused to recognise the leadership, the acting Secretary-General should have stepped in through proper channels. What we witnessed was a constitutional violation of unprecedented magnitude."

By contrast, NEC member Dauda Hassan, aligned with the faction that organised the vote, cited Article 77(4) as legal cover, arguing that delegates may convene independently if a crisis exceeds central leadership control.

"Since the chairman and his appointees were deemed invalid by the state, they had no standing to lead us," he said.

Financial mystery: Who funded the delegates?

Hosting a National General Meeting requires extensive logistics: transporting delegates nationwide, accommodation, and allowances.

The official party leadership denied authorising funds for February’s gathering, prompting questions over its financing.

Ms Sakaya estimated the previous general meeting cost Sh800 million, "The party did not provide a single shilling for this exercise. We were surprised to see delegates arriving without official support."

Reports suggest some delegates were paid, while others were left stranded. Mr Hassan acknowledged a “private benefactor” had financed the event.

"Our Constitution allows support from sponsors, internal or external," he said, declining to identify the individual.

"Funds were a direct gift to the General Meeting process, not part of official accounts. As far as we are concerned, the matter is closed," he insisted.

Waiver of nomination fees

In a departure from longstanding regulations, nomination forms for top seats were issued free. Previously, candidates paid a non-refundable Sh500,000 fee.

"These fees are not suggestions; they are party rules," a veteran member said, noting that "Waiving them now undermines financial discipline."

Mr Hassan defended the waiver, citing NEC's authority to amend rules as needed, and insisted the short timeframe was required to remove financial barriers to maximise participation.

Registrar’s absence

Typically, a representative of the RPPs attends major party conventions to observe compliance with the Political Parties Act; however, no official was present during Mr Yusuf’s election.

Assistant RPPs, Mr Sisty Nyahoza cited logistical clashes, stressing that attendance is not legally mandatory.

"Notice was provided, but the meeting was sudden. I was in Dodoma and could not make arrangements on such short notice," he said.

Despite the law, critics argue that the absence of a state observer undermines the legitimacy of the proceedings.

Legitimacy of delegates

Concerns have emerged over the composition of the 533 delegates who voted. For a valid General Meeting, delegates must be duly elected representatives from their regions and districts.

Mr Omar Dunga, who finished second in the chairmanship race with 177 votes, questioned their authenticity, "Many were strangers. It appeared as though people were literally picked from the streets to fill seats."

Election chairman, Mr Said Miraji, confirmed the 533 attendees fell short of the 640–670 required for a full quorum.

Way forward

The rapid election threatens to split CUF into two camps: the traditionalists, loyal to Prof Lipumba, and the reformists, backing Mr Yusuf.

With the RPPs yet to formally certify the new leadership, the party remains in a state of suspended animation.

As legal challenges mount, CUF faces a crucial test: whether it can survive the schism without losing its status as a credible opposition force in Tanzanian politics.