Union: 22,280 days of trials, crises, and triumphs

Dar es Salaam. Today, April 26, 2025, marks 61 years since Tanganyika and Zanzibar united to form the Republic of the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar—renamed the United Republic of Tanzania in December 1964.

Using the Gregorian calendar—followed in Tanzania and most of the world, a year has 365 days, with a leap year of 366 every four years. Mathematically, 61 years equals 22,280 days.

That is 428 weeks and five days since the Union was born—figures that reflect a long journey through multiple trials.

Reaching 61 years signifies triumph over many tests. The Union Agreement was signed on April 22, 1964.

Tanzania’s Union remains unique in Africa. The federation between Ethiopia and Eritrea lasted only 10 years—from September 15, 1952, to November 14, 1962—followed by nearly 20 years of conflict and hostility.

The Confederation of Senegal and Gambia (Senegambia Confederation) was signed on December 12, 1981, officially launched on February 1, 1982, and dissolved on September 30, 1989, without even lasting eight years.

Then there was the Union of African States, involving Ghana, Guinea, and Mali, which formed on November 23, 1958, and dissolved in May 1963—a lifespan of just four years and six months.

Examples of inter-country unions and federations, from their formation to their collapse, underscore the remarkable longevity of Tanzania’s Union, which is now entering its seventh decade.

A strong cultural bond between the people on both sides is one of the key reasons why Tanzania’s Union has endured.

More significantly, however, are the foundational principles on which the Union stands.

For instance, the Union of Ghana, Guinea, and Mali failed because the Guinean President Ahmed Sékou Touré accused Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah of making unilateral decisions. Mali’s President, Modibo Keïta, also insisted on national sovereignty.

Tanzania’s Union was built through mutual consent between President Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika and his Zanzibar counterpart, Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume.

Nyerere became the first President, while Karume became Vice President of the Union, President of Zanzibar, and Chairperson of the Revolutionary Council.

Nyerere served as the Union President while Zanzibar was led by three different presidents during his tenure, namely: Karume, Sheikh Aboud Jumbe Mwinyi, and Ali Hassan Mwinyi.

Mwinyi later ascended to the role of Union President, and Zanzibar subsequently had two more presidents: Idris Abdul Wakil and Salmin Amour Juma.

The third Union President, Benjamin Mkapa, served alongside Mr Amour and Amani Abeid Karume.

The fourth Union President, Jakaya Kikwete, worked with Mr Karume and Dr Ali Mohamed Shein.

The fifth President of Tanzania, Dr John Magufuli, served alongside Dr Shein and Dr Hussein Ali Mwinyi. Currently, President Samia Suluhu Hassan leads the Union, with Dr Mwinyi continuing his leadership in Zanzibar.

Despite leadership changes, the Union has remained stable, with no serious threat of collapse—a testament to its resilience, despite periodic grievances over the past 61 years.

Political trials

There is an unspoken history of near-collapse. In the single-party era, the ruling party, CCM, was formed on February 5, 1977, through the merger of the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) and Tanganyika African National Union (Tanu).

In 1984, a major test arose when Zanzibar’s President Jumbe was found in possession of a draft constitution proposing a three-government structure. The CCM’s Central Committee addressed the matter during a meeting held in Dodoma.

What if CCM had not existed? Jumbe would have remained ASP chairman, while Nyerere led Tanu. Which party mechanism could have pressured Jumbe to resign for allegedly betraying the Union?

Perhaps force would have been used—potentially perceived as a coup. The Jumbe saga, and later incidents like allegations of a plan to dissolve the Union or the 1988 crisis leading to the expulsion of Chief Minister Seif Sharif Hamad from CCM, show CCM’s pivotal role in preserving the Union.

Parliamentary challenges

Tanganyika lacks a government and a legislature. In the 1990s, a group of mainland MPs known as G55 pushed for a separate Tanganyika government, but Nyerere rejected the idea.

This absence has led many mainland MPs to treat the Union Parliament as theirs, which upsets Zanzibar MPs.

In 2016, Nkasi MP Ally Kessy, CCM, declared that Zanzibar MPs should refrain from debates unrelated to Union matters, especially during budget discussions.

“During deliberations on non-Union ministries, please step out. We’ll call you back when it’s your turn. Does Agriculture concern you? Or Water?” questioned Mr Kessy, drawing applause from several CCM mainland MPs.

A member of the Zanzibar House of Representatives, Jaku Hashim Ayoub, CCM, cited Kessy’s remarks as an example of Union contentious matters.

Welezo MP Saada Salum Mkuya, CCM, added that such statements made Zanzibar MPs feel like second-class members, even though all MPs should be equal.

Another flashpoint was the ban on selling Zanzibar-produced sugar on the mainland, with authorities arguing that local output was insufficient to meet domestic demand, and therefore not eligible for export.

Some Zanzibar MPs challenged these figures, arguing production exceeded demand.

“You produce 8,000 tonnes but need 17,000. Don’t you drink tea? If you can’t afford tea, just say so—we’ll assist,” said Mr Kessy.

Some House members responded emotionally, even attacking mainland Tanzania. One argued that it was the mainland that was impoverished, with most citizens living in poverty.

Also in 2016, Temeke MP Abdallah Mtolea, CCM, claimed the mainland bore a disproportionate burden in the Union: “Those who are carried don’t get tired.”

 This “us vs them” tone in the Union Parliament and the Zanzibar House of Representatives was dangerously divisive.

In April 2016, Mr January Makamba, the then Minister of State in the Vice President's Office (Union and Environment), warned against such rhetoric.

He specifically named Mr Kessy, saying that despite being a CCM MP, his views disregarded the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar.

Despite Mr Makamba’s warning, discriminatory remarks have persisted, undermining unity within the Union Parliament.

One MP even accused Zanzibaris of smuggling: “Your job is just smuggling, bringing it here.”

Such remarks imply that Zanzibaris do not belong on the mainland and profit only from illegal trade. But are all Zanzibaris smugglers?

I’ve attended Zanzibar House sessions where the Union is debated with intense hostility, as though it holds no value or historical merit.

Yet, through it all, the Union endures. Sixty-one years stand as a symbol of triumph over numerous trials.